The Enterprise AG: Paxton’s Debt-Fueled War on Primaries

When Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton announced he was joining the Republican Party of Texas in its lawsuit to close GOP primaries, he wrapped himself in constitutional rhetoric. Standing up for party autonomy. Defending Republican voters from Democrat interference. Fighting for freedom of association.

"This unconstitutional law stopping the RPT from closing its primaries is completely indefensible and a slap in the face to the Republican Party and voters," Paxton declared. (Source)

It's a compelling story. It's also completely disingenous.

When you delve into the financial aspects, particularly the debt, Paxton’s support for closed primaries is not rooted in constitutional principles. Instead, it stems from a man who owes his political benefactors by fulfilling their demands.

The Numbers Don't Lie: The Enterprise Owns Ken Paxton

The financial reality is stark:

• $3.95 million from Dunn/Wilks entities over a decade
• $1 million loan from Tim Dunn in 2014 that created Paxton's career—without it, he loses and never becomes AG
• $750,000 still owed to Defend Texas Liberty PAC, revealed in a May 2023 "correction" as Paxton faced impeachment (Source 1, Source 2)

The Attorney General of Texas—the state's top law enforcement official—owes three-quarters of a million dollars to a PAC controlled by The Enterprise, now demanding he provide legal cover for electoral changes that protect their investments.

This isn't politics. It's a protection racket where Paxton serves as the legal muscle.

The Paxton Doctrine: How Institutional Capture Actually Works

Paxton’s behavior exhibits a predictable and systematic pattern that can only be described as institutional corruption. This pattern, “The Paxton Doctrine,” dictates that when the interests of The Enterprise clash with his duty to protect state institutions, The Enterprise prevails in every instance.

The formula is not hard to understand:

Paxton's Loyalty ∝ (Financial Investment of The Enterprise) / (Duty to Defend State Institutions)

As The Enterprise investment increases, his responsiveness to their demands increases proportionally. When conflicts emerge between The Enterprise interests and state duties, his commitment to defending Texas institutions approaches zero.

This isn't theory. It's documented across three systematic pillars that map directly to federal racketeering crimes:

• Pillar 1: Financial Quid Pro Quo (Bribery)

  The $3.95 million investment plus $1 million loan that created his career plus $750,000 in current debt = complete financial dependency.
  
  The Dan Patrick precedent proves the model works: Patrick received $3 million ($1mil donation, $2mil loan) from Defend Texas Liberty PAC just before presiding over Paxton's impeachment trial, then acquitted him. This pattern appears to meet prima facie bribery standards under 18 U.S.C. § 201.
  
  Paxton's survival validated the investment strategy. The $750,000 debt ensures he keeps delivering.

• Pillar 2: Protection of Network Operatives (Obstruction of Justice)

  When Texas Scorecard publisher Michael Quinn Sullivan was fined $10,000 by the Texas Ethics Commission for failing to register as a lobbyist—despite receiving $260,970 from entities of The Enterprise while making dozens of communications to legislators—Paxton did something unprecedented:
  
  He refused to defend the Texas Ethics Commission.
  
  The Attorney General, whose job is to defend state agencies, refused to represent the TEC against frivolous lawsuits from an operative within The Enterprise. The Commission spent over $1 million in taxpayer funds for outside counsel. Even after the Supreme Court rejected Sullivan's claims in June 2025, Paxton filed an amicus brief supporting him.
  
  Because Sullivan works for The Enterprise. When employees within The Enterprise face state regulators, Paxton's office becomes their defense attorney rather than the state's advocate.
  
  This pattern extends throughout the network: First Deputy AG Brent Webster allegedly threatened witnesses during Paxton's impeachment. During the Bryan Slaton investigation (Slaton received $153,000 from The Enterprise), five network-connected staffers refused to cooperate with House investigators in what the committee called "systematic" obstruction.

• Pillar 3: Weaponization Against State Officials (Conspiracy)

  Paxton isn't just refusing to defend state agencies—he's actively attacking them.
  
  He filed a joint motion with the Enterprise-funded Republican Party of Texas declaring the state election code unconstitutional, then demanded Secretary of State Jane Nelson stop defending Texas election law and instead "swiftly implement this consent decree." (Source)
  
  The Attorney General of Texas is telling another statewide elected official to abandon her duty to defend state law and instead implement changes his creditors demand.
  
  And so are other employees and politicians paid by The Enterprise:

The lawyer for the Republican Party of Texas, Rachel Hooper—a former Harris County prosecutor who infamously invoked her Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination in 2011 rather than answer a grand jury's questions about potential misconduct, appears to have been coordinating with AG Paxton, as suggested by her husband's posts on X:

Confirmed paid posters of Influenceable, a vehicle invested in by The Enterprise are attacking Secretary Nelson, too:

The Playbook Was Telegraphed By Matt Rinaldi

Rinaldi—George's predecessor as RPT Chairman and another asset of The Enterprise—laid out this legal strategy in a 2023 podcast interview. He argued the RPT has constitutional authority to override state election law through "right to free association," citing Supreme Court precedent and Idaho Republicans who implemented closed primaries by party rule despite state law.

But Rinaldi went further: discussing the party's potential to deny ballot access to candidates who don't align with party values—effectively controlling who can even run in GOP primaries.

The endgame isn't just closed primaries. It's party delegates (funded by The Enterprise) controlling who voters can choose from in the first place.

Closed Primaries Protect Enterprise-Bought Officials and Enable More Purchases

In 2024, The Enterprise achieved a 68% success rate: 11 of 28 House candidates won primaries outright, with another 8 advancing to runoffs. This demonstrates effective use of unlimited money in low-turnout contests.

The problem: Open primaries allow moderate Republicans, independents, and even strategic Democrats to participate, diluting The Enterprise's ability to leverage unlimited money.

Closed primaries fix this by:

• Requiring advance party registration, reducing turnout to hardcore partisans
• Making primaries even lower-turnout events where money matters more
• Protecting Enterprise-funded incumbents from broad-based challenges

This isn’t about “Democrat interference.” It’s about making the financial interests of The Enterprise more effectively influence legislative outcomes by narrowing the voter pool to individuals who are most susceptible to their control.

This Is Criminal Enterprise Behavior

What makes this potentially criminal—rather than just corrupt—is how it exhibits all the classic characteristics of a Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) enterprise:

• Common Purpose: Systematic corruption of Texas institutions (AG, Lieutenant Governor, Texas Legislature) to advance interests of The Enterprise over public welfare

• Continuity of Structure: Despite scandals (Nick Fuentes meeting, Bryan Slaton expulsion), The Enterprise maintains operations through rebranding and personnel rotation

Pattern of Predicate Crimes:

• Bribery: Dan Patrick's $3 million payment before Paxton's trial
• Obstruction of Justice: Systematic witness intimidation, coordinated non-cooperation during investigations
• Money Laundering: Shell companies like Hexagon Partners ($1.15 million) obscuring funding sources
• Conspiracy: Coordinated actions across supposedly independent entities (party, AG's office, media, PACs)

Interstate Commerce Nexus: $5 million to Trump's campaign, America First Policy Institute involvement, multi-state operations

How It All Fits Together

The closed primary lawsuit is one component of a self-reinforcing cycle of institutional capture:

1. Buy the party chairman (George receives $73K from Enterprise PACs; party becomes dependent on nearly $1M from sources within The Enterprise Axis of Allies)
2. Capture the Attorney General ($3.95M investment plus $750K debt ensures Paxton provides legal cover)
3. Control the media narrative (Texas Scorecard, funded by Dunn, promotes closed primaries as conservative principle)
4. Use captured officials to change electoral rules (Paxton attacks Secretary of State to advance goals of The Enterprise)
5. Narrow the electorate (Closed primaries protect investments by reducing moderate influence)
6. Punish dissent (Primary challenges funded by unlimited resources eliminate resistance)

The party chairman pushes the lawsuit. The AG provides legal justification. The media creates false narratives. The closed primaries protect future investments. The cycle continues.

This is RICO in action: Coordinated activities by supposedly independent entities working toward common criminal objectives using predicate crimes—all to corrupt democratic processes for The Enterprise's gain.

The Deception Machine

What makes this particularly insidious is how The Enterprise manipulates its own supporters through coordinated disinformation.

Texas Scorecard—The Enterprise-funded propaganda outlet—systematically deceives conservative Texans through carefully constructed false narratives. Scorecard Confessions documented how this works. (Source)

Representative Tony Tinderholt, a member of The Enterprise's Axis of Allies, accidentally revealed their strategy:

"I believe perception is truth to the person who perceives it. So, if someone perceives something, it's true to them, whether it's truth or not." (Source)

This is gaslighting as political strategy. The Enterprise doesn't need objective truth—just enough confusion and emotional resonance that supporters believe whatever serves interests of The Enterprise.

When Paxton talks about "defending Republican voters" through closed primaries, he's using the same playbook:

• Create an emotional narrative (Democrats interfering!)
• Ignore facts (moderate Republicans participating in their own party)
• Advance the agenda of The Enterprise, which owns him.

Following the Money Isn't Cynicism—It's Due Diligence

When someone:

• Receives $3.95 million from The Enterprise over a decade
• Owes $750,000 to a PAC
• Had his career created by a $1 million loan from Tim Dunn
• Then provides legal cover for policies The Enterprise demands

...their actions deserve scrutiny through that financial lens.

This is what institutional capture looks like. Not midnight conspiracies, but systematic coordination between wealthy benefactors and captured officials carrying massive debts to them, implementing procedural changes designed to consolidate power.

Welcome to the Paxton Doctrine

Ken Paxton supporting closed primaries is predictable once you understand the financial architecture.

The Paxton Doctrine: When a financial investment by The Enterprise conflicts with the duty to defend state institutions, interests of The Enterprise win with 100% predictability.

The Enterprise created him with a $1 million loan from Tim Dunn in 2014. They've invested $3.95 million over a decade. He still owes them $750,000. When his impeachment threatened their investment, they paid Dan Patrick $3 million and Paxton survived—validating their entire strategy.

Now they're demanding return on investment: legal cover for electoral changes that protect their power. Paxton's compliance—opposing state officials, refusing to defend state agencies, attacking Texas election law—proves that debt creates absolute loyalty.

The real story isn't that Paxton supports closed primaries. It's that Texas has an Attorney General who has an inverted loyalty structure, placing The Enterprise interests above constitutional duties—and his financial dependency makes his behavior predictable.

Whether Texas remains a democracy or becomes an oligarchy controlled by The Enterprise depends on whether voters notice they're being systematically disenfranchised by officials claiming to defend their freedoms—while financially beholden to The Enterprise Axis of Allies demanding these changes.

Welcome to the Paxton Doctrine: systematic institutional capture through debt and dependency, creating entirely predictable outcomes that uniformly benefit The Enterprise while undermining Texas democracy.

Citations

1: Texas Scorecard. "EXCLUSIVE: Paxton Backs Texas GOP, Opposes Secretary of State in Lawsuit To Close Primaries." October 10, 2025. https://texasscorecard.com/state/exclusive-paxton-backs-texas-gop-opposes-secretary-of-state-in-lawsuit-to-close-primaries/

2: Scorecard Confessions. "Paxton's Debt: Defend Texas Liberty PAC's Stake." May 26, 2023. https://www.texasscorecard.co/paxtons-debt-defend-texas-liberty-pacs-stake/

3: Scorecard Confessions. "The Deception of Michael Quinn Sullivan." June 2023. https://www.texasscorecard.co/baffling-the-masses-the-deception-of-michael-quinn-sullivan/

Additional Research Sources

This analysis draws on comprehensive investigation of The Enterprise documented in internal research files including:

• Defend Texas Liberty PAC Analysis: Texas Ethics Commission records showing $4.6 million in contributions (85% from Dunn/Wilks) and the $3 million Patrick payment representing 60% of total spending
• Abraham George Forensic Analysis: Documentation of $73,275 in Enterprise PAC contributions and the Republican Party of Texas's transformation into a subsidiary of The Enterprise
• The Paxton Doctrine Framework: Analysis establishing the mathematical relationship between The Enterprise financial investment and Paxton's willingness to oppose state institutions

All financial data verified through Texas Ethics Commission filings, SEC corporate documents, IRS Form 990 tax returns, and public investigative reporting.